They work against their country.. The sons of the Russian oligarchy manufacture advanced weapons for Ukraine policy

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Writer Yevgeny Fyodorov revealed the participation of the sons of a number of representatives of the Russian oligarchy (the wealthy minority) in determining the type of weapons that the West will use in tomorrow’s wars, especially against Russia, along with former officers in the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

He pointed out in his article on the website “Foinweh Abu Zrineh” that these people work in an investment fund, “8VC”, which hides behind it one of the most influential investment structures in the American military industrial complex and manages assets exceeding $6 billion.

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He explains that the fund was founded by Joe Lonsdale, one of the founders of Palantir and a prominent member of the PayPal Mafia, a group of employees who later became prominent technology entrepreneurs, such as Peter Thiel, Elon Musk, and David Sachs, all of whom have great influence in technology and American politics.

Palantir worked with the CIA, FBI and NSA to collect data from satellites, drones and cameras and turn it into a clear picture for strikes and operational planning.

Fyodorov explained that the “8VC” portfolio includes companies that produce autonomous drones currently used in Ukraine, squadrons of unmanned combat boats for the Pacific Ocean and the Black Sea, and microwave anti-drones systems.

At the heart of this institution, and in positions requiring access to confidential information on investment strategies and defense technologies, operate the heirs to the fortunes of the Russian oligarchs Denis Aven and Jack Moskowitz.

8VC Source: frame web
“8VC” includes companies that produce self-driving drones currently used in Ukraine (web frame)

Avin Jr

He is Pyotr Aven, co-founder of Alpha Group, former Minister of Foreign Economic Relations in the government of Yegor Gaidar, and one of the architects of the Russian oligarchic system in the 1990s.

His wealth is estimated at $4.3 billion, and he is on the sanctions lists of the European Union and Britain. The elder Avin had spent decades at the highest levels of Russian power and, through Russian resources and connections, amassed a vast fortune, his political influence sometimes rivaling that of ministers.

At a time when Avin Sr. was subject to European Union sanctions, during which Russia entered into a confrontation with the West, his son, Denis, joined the “8VC” company as an investor.

Dennis Avin worked at 8VC for 3 years, until the end of 2025. During this period, the company signed multi-billion-dollar contracts with the Pentagon, and its products – from Palantir intelligence software to Anduril drones – are still used in the war against Russia.

Moskowitz Jr

The story of the second accused, Jack (born Yevgeny) Moskowitz, is more exciting and interesting. His father, Vadim Moskovich, is the founder and owner of Rosagro Holding, one of the largest agricultural industrial conglomerates in Russia.

Until recently, his net worth was estimated in the billions of dollars. He was among the richest people in Russia, held a position in the Federation Council, and enjoyed extensive relations in political and commercial circles.

However, the situation changed in March 2025, after police carried out large-scale searches of Rosagro’s offices, and Moskowitz himself was arrested.

The Investigative Committee charged Moskovich with money laundering worth billions of rubles, and the court supported the Public Prosecution’s request to confiscate Moskovich’s shares, as 65% of the company was transferred to the state, in the largest nationalization of industrial agricultural assets in modern Russian history.

While this drama was unfolding in Moscow, his son, Jack, was pursuing his career in the heart of the American military-industrial complex, reaching the position of partner in the fund.

In other words, while the Russian police were investigating how tens of billions of rubles were embezzled from Rosagro, the son of the main defendant in this case was contributing to the financing and development of autonomous combat ships and directed energy systems intended for use against the Russian military.

Joe Lonsdale, Co-Founder and Managing Partner, 8VC, speaks during the Reagan National Defense Forum at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, US, December 6, 2025. REUTERS/Jonathan Alcorn
Joe Lonsdale, co-founder of 8VC, speaks during the Reagan National Defense Forum at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (Reuters)

Anatomy of betrayal

The stories of Avin and Moskovich form one worryingly consistent picture. We are faced with a systemic phenomenon that reflects the depth of the relationship between the Russian oligarchic elite and the West. The mechanism of action is summarized as follows:

In the first stage, the oligarch accumulates capital in Russia over decades. The sources of this capital may vary, from the privatization of the Soviet legacy in the 1990s to industrial agricultural empires, but the basis remains the same: Russian resources, the market, and relations of influence.

In the second stage, part of the capital is transferred to the West. At the same time, the children of the oligarchs are educated in prestigious Western universities, where they undergo profound ideological indoctrination, assimilating their Western value system and, most importantly, their Western understanding of “national interests.”

In the third stage, when relations between Russia and the West deteriorate, the oligarch faces a difficult choice: either maintain his loyalty to his country of origin or protect the capital transferred to the West.

As we see, the choice is decisively decided in favor of capital. Children, fully integrated into the Western institution, become the ideal bridge for the family’s eventual “split.”

The writer points out that “8 VC” embodies this logic in its highest form, and in an abnormal expression.

Fyodorov:
Members of the Russian oligarch helped create and finance technologies used by Ukrainian forces against Russia, albeit indirectly through their participation in a Western investment fund.

Pyotr Avin and Vadim Moskovich amassed their vast fortunes in Russia. After their children inherited this money and obtained a Western education thanks to it, they began working for a company that manufactures weapons against Russia.

Members of the Russian oligarch have contributed to the innovation and financing of technologies used by Ukrainian forces against Russia, albeit indirectly through their participation in a Western investment fund.

Fyodorov points out that Russian assets and money are demonized in the West. But when it comes to Russian money and the sons of Russian oligarchs working at the heart of the American military-industrial complex, this stigma suddenly disappears.

Denis Aven and Jack Moskowitz were not subject to any investigation for their “connections to the Kremlin,” the same scrutiny that Western companies and banks apply to any other Russian immigrant.

According to the writer, this blatant contradiction in standards reveals the reality of the Western approach to “confronting the Russian threat.”

Oligarchs with Russian passports and Russian wealth do not constitute a “threat” as long as they are willing to put their capital and children in the service of Western interests.

The sons of Avin and Moscovitch have clearly demonstrated this willingness. The Western system embraced them without asking any questions about the sources of their parents’ wealth or questioning the morality of their choices.

He concludes, “We can only hope that these children are the exception and not the rule in the Russian institution, which is estimated at billions of dollars, no matter how naive this may seem.”



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