Published on 6/28/2026
The recent arrest campaign in Iraq goes beyond its local context and clashes with extremely complex regional and international issues. At a sensitive time that precedes decisive foreign visits, the Iraqi government is putting itself in direct confrontation with networks of influence and corruption, amid varying interpretations that determine the campaign’s gains, its future risks, and its chances of success.
In this context, political science professor Issam Al-Faili believes that Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi wanted to send decisive signals to the United States of America ahead of his expected visit to Washington in the middle of next month, confirming his seriousness in the confrontation.
Al-Zaidi’s seriousness is evident – according to Al-Faili’s interview with the “Beyond the News” program – by seeking the help of the Counter-Terrorism Service, arresting officials, and raiding the headquarters of major armed factions that were a challenge to previous governments.
The spokesman explains that these steps seek to refute the accusations of American research centers against the political class of financial dependency and loyalty to Iran, stressing Al-Zaidi’s desire to restore the independence of the Iraqi decision-making and economy.

In the same regional and international context, political science professor Iyad Al-Anbar confirms the presence of clear American pressure regarding suspicious deals and seized funds, specifically those that interfere with Tehran or are invested in supporting weapons and its influence.
Al-Anbar considers the current measures a card of strength and decisive proof of seriousness in the hands of Al-Zaidi in his upcoming visit to Washington, which is blessed and welcomed by President Donald Trump, as American support is clearly directed towards restricting and dismantling dollar smuggling outlets linked to the economy, the Revolutionary Guard, and Iranian smuggling.
For his part, political analyst Saif Al-Saadi points out that the structure of the political system after 2003 has become described internationally – according to reports by the Middle East Institute – as a “kleptocracy” or (rule of thieves), which makes any real reform process require a complex, radical change that cleans the ladder from above by targeting the big whales and not the small fish.
Here, Al-Anbar’s analysis intersects with Al-Saadi by emphasizing that political corruption is the root of the problem, devastation, and chaos in Iraq, as the danger has reached the point of investing corruption money in the political process and elections in search of immunity and legitimization of political presence.
Challenges front
Regarding the risks surrounding the campaign, Issam Al-Faili warns of strong and violent reactions from the affected blocs that have armed arms and huge media institutions, as they see the government’s movements as an existential threat to them.
Al-Faili points out that there are external challenges represented by regional networks that benefit from internal corruption – such as cross-border gold smuggling networks – which will not stand idly by and whose history is full of interference in Iraqi political affairs, recalling the ability of those forces that previously hijacked the state to liquidate mass movements, as happened in the October 2019 uprising.
On the obstacles front itself, Iyad Al-Anbar warns that the real test of the government’s credibility in dismantling the corruption system does not stop at the current headlines, but rather lies in its next step by targeting the circles linked to power, known as “the economic offices of political parties and forces.”
The political science professor also warns of the danger of aborting these judicial efforts later through legal circumvention and political deals that lead to the issuance of the “General Amnesty Law,” considering this a setback for all judicial steps and accountability paths.
Incubators of success
In the face of these challenges, Saif Al-Saadi identifies key success factors that distinguish the current campaign, most notably the integration and work in two parallel lines between the Supreme Judicial Council and the Executive Government, and activating strict measures by lifting the immunity of 15 deputies and prosecuting a list of up to 180 individuals covered by the Penal Code, which created great popular satisfaction.
As for Issam Al-Faili, he stresses that the main incubator for the success of the step and ensuring the inclusion of everyone without exception and providing protection for it, is represented by the popular support of millions and taking to the streets, based on the necessity of summoning the positions and statements of the religious authority to urge the masses to support the state in this fateful battle to build a homeland free from the arms of the corrupt.
Iyad Al-Anbar supports the centrality of relying on the street and fortifying it to confront major clashes, adding to his historical reading with former Prime Minister Haider Al-Abadi, who during the reform crisis obtained significant reference and public support that pushed the corrupt forces to withdraw steps backward, but he was not “brave” enough to confront those major forces, which requires Al-Zaidi to avoid him in order to resolve the battle.