Published On 4/6/2026
Yesterday, Wednesday, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi announced the formation of a committee to disengage two armed factions from the Popular Mobilization Forces as part of a plan to confine weapons to the state.
This came during Al-Zaidi’s meeting at the government headquarters with two delegations from Asaib Ahl al-Haq and the Imam Ali Brigades, a day after they announced disengagement from the Popular Mobilization Forces and handing over weapons to the Iraqi state.
According to a statement by the Prime Minister’s Media Office on the “X” platform, the committee is expected to develop appropriate mechanisms to implement disengagement procedures and confine arms to the state within the next two days.
Since taking office last month, Al-Zaidi pledged to confine arms to the state, considering that this is “in line with the constitution and the law, strengthens the authority of the state, and contributes to supporting security and stability and consolidating the project of a strong Iraqi state capable of realizing the aspirations of its citizens.”
This comes in light of regional changes that have affected Iraq, most notably the decline in Iran’s influence following the wars that the region has witnessed recently.
What do we know about the armed factions in the Popular Mobilization Forces?
The Popular Mobilization Forces were established on June 13, 2014, after the issuance of a fatwa by Shiite authority Ali al-Sistani requiring sufficient jihad to liberate Iraq from ISIS, before it later became part of the Iraqi military establishment.
The Popular Mobilization Forces include a group of armed Shiite militias, most notably the Badr Organization, Hezbollah Brigades, Asaib Ahl al-Haq, and Saraya al-Salam, in addition to brigades affiliated with factions allied with Tehran that operate independently.
In addition to “Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq” and “Imam Ali Brigades”, which announced their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces and the initiation of procedures to confine weapons to the state, the leader of the national Shiite movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, announced in late May the disengagement of the “Saraya al-Salam” armed faction from the movement, and its merger. Within state institutions.
On the other hand, the most influential groups close to Tehran continue to cling to their weapons, led by the Hezbollah Brigades, which recently announced its willingness to buy the weapons of the groups that decide to hand them over to the state.
What is meant by restricting weapons to the state?
Agence France-Presse quoted an Iraqi security official as saying that the mechanism for restricting weapons to the state is still “unclear.”
Iraqi affairs analyst Tamer Badawi told the agency: “For this initiative to prove its seriousness, there must be an audit supervised by the government and non-governmental actors,” otherwise it will remain “part of broader structural problems affecting the security sector in Iraq.”
Asaib Ahl al-Haq intends to form a committee to impose procedures to limit weapons to the state, which includes making all individuals, weapons, machinery, equipment, and logistical means directly subject to the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the Iraqi Armed Forces.
Likewise, the “Imam Ali Brigades” announced that it would form two committees to initiate procedures for inventorying weapons in the hands of the state, the first to follow up on the process of inventorying, handing over and transferring weapons under the supervision of Al-Zaidi, and the second to follow up on the affairs of individuals and affiliates and reintegrate them into state institutions.
According to a source close to the factions, these measures give Al-Zaidi the powers to lead the brigades “from an administrative perspective,” while a second source close to the factions confirmed that the separate factions believe that their political presence within the current Iraqi government is more important than engaging in hostilities.
Negotiations are currently underway regarding 9 vacant ministerial portfolios out of 23 in the Zaidi government, most notably Interior and Defense.
On the other hand, the factions that cling to their weapons confirm their refusal to give up their weapons as long as foreign forces are present in northern Iraq, within the framework of the international coalition led by Washington to fight ISIS, whose mission is scheduled to end next September.
What does this mean for Washington?
Iraq has always sought to balance its relationship between Washington and Tehran, which, since after the US invasion in 2003, has enjoyed political, economic, and security influence in it.
Against the backdrop of attacks by some factions on American interests during the recent war, Washington suspended cash payments of Iraqi oil revenues that it had been responsible for under an agreement dating back to after the American invasion, in addition to security aid.
A US official said last month that Washington was looking for “concrete measures” from Al-Zaidi to distance the factions from state institutions, before resuming aid.
On the other hand, Al-Zaidi, who is primarily a businessman and banking figure, is looking forward to “investments and service projects from American companies,” according to a source who spoke to Agence France-Presse.
A leader in Asaib told the agency that Washington wants the factions to hand over “the drones and ballistic missiles in particular,” given “its ability to reach its ally Israel,” adding that Asaib “supports restricting weapons to what achieves the security of the state, and not to what achieves the security of Israel.”
Badawi believes that the United States “wants to see the results,” wondering whether it wants them “real or formal.” In his opinion, Iran seeks “for its allies to buy as much time as possible,” and “will not allow its local allies to be disarmed by force.” Note that this “does not seem to be an option currently being considered by the Iraqi government.”
