Published On 5/24/2026
Former British Ambassador to Israel Matthew Gould believes that the rise of Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir from the core of extremism to the heart of the Israeli government reflects a deep and dangerous transformation in Israel, warning that the man “is no longer just an extremist on the margins, but has begun to reshape state institutions with a fascist mentality based on violence, provocation and hatred.”
In an article in the Times newspaper, the writer reviews the path that led Ben Gvir from an activist criminally convicted of supporting terrorism and racist incitement to one of the most influential politicians in Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, stressing that the latter “legitimized the extreme right in order to preserve his political survival, and today he has become its prisoner.”
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The article begins by referring to the wave of international anger that Ben Gvir sparked after he published a video clip in which he appeared mocking the activists of the Global Resilience Fleet that was heading to Gaza, where they were handcuffed and blindfolded.
The scene sparked widespread condemnation, prompting France to ban him from entering its territory, while the Chief Rabbi of Britain described the scene as “a desecration of the name of the Lord.” Even within the Israeli government, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar criticized it.
Too dangerous and extreme
But Ben Gvir, according to the writer, politically feeds on this type of condemnation, as he presents himself as a man who “does not apologize and does not submit to Western pressure,” and uses rhetoric of force and humiliation as part of his political image before his far-right audience.
The article indicates that Ben Gvir draws ideas from the racist Kach movement, which was founded by extremist Rabbi Meir Kahane and which was classified by Israel and the United States as a terrorist organization after its followers were involved in acts of violence against Palestinians. Ben Gvir joined the movement in his youth during the first Palestinian Intifada, and quickly became one of its most prominent activists.
The writer confirms that the Israeli army itself considered Ben Gvir “too dangerous and extremist,” and therefore he was exempted from compulsory military service, in an extremely rare step within Israel. His criminal record also includes “at least eight convictions,” including incitement to racism, supporting a terrorist organization, and obstructing police work.
The article recalls that Ben Gvir became famous in the 1990s after he appeared on television waving the logo of former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin’s car after it was stolen, saying, “We reached his car and we will reach him as well,” just weeks before Rabin was assassinated by the Jewish extremist Yigal Amir.
Change the language, not the ideas
Ben Gvir also kept for years inside his house a picture of Baruch Goldstein, the perpetrator of the massacre at the Ibrahimi Mosque in the city of Hebron in 1994, in which 29 Palestinian worshipers were martyred. He did not remove the image until 2020, when he tried to enter official political life.
The writer says that Ben Gvir and his allies later realized that reaching power required “changing the language, not the ideas,” so their slogans changed from “Death to the Arabs” to “Death to the terrorists,” while maintaining the same ideological essence. In 2021, Netanyahu helped integrate Ben Gvir’s “Jewish Greatness” faction (Otzma Yehudit) into the religious right coalition, allowing him to enter the Knesset and then the government.
After the Al-Aqsa Flood operation, Ben Gvir began presenting himself as the “protector of the Jews,” taking advantage of the escalation of fear and anger within Israeli society. His popularity is based mainly on poor Sephardic Jews and young Israelis who “grew up in the shadow of wars and constant conflict.”
Penetrating state institutions
The writer warns that the greatest danger does not lie only in Ben Gvir’s provocative statements or behavior, but rather in his “success in penetrating state institutions,” especially the police and the army. He accuses him of politicizing the police force by appointing loyalists who tolerate settler violence against Palestinians, while violently suppressing Israeli opponents.
The article dwells at length on the growing influence of the extreme religious right within the Israeli army, especially in the Netzah Yehuda Battalion, which – according to the writer – has turned into a haven for young extremist anti-Arab settlers. This unit was involved in violations against Palestinians and rebellion against military orders, which raised concerns among the Israeli security establishment itself.
The writer concludes that Ben Gvir is no longer just a marginal phenomenon, but rather is “reshaping Israel in his image,” relying on cruelty and national and religious incitement. He adds that what was previously viewed as isolated extremism has now become part of the governance structure in Israel, considering that “the arsonists are no longer at the gates, but rather are running important parts of the state.”
The greatest danger does not lie only in Ben Gvir’s statements or his provocative behavior, but rather in his success in infiltrating state institutions, especially the police and the army.
